Principal Private Secretary to President Yaradua charged for money laundering.

London Mets Charges against Yar'adua's PPS, David Edevbie,Victor Attah, Henry Imashekka and Ibori Print
Written by Sahara Admin
Thursday, 10 September 2009 19:29


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Just as the London Metropolitan police was charging accomplices of James Ibori, Victor Attah and Yar'adua's PPS, David Edevbie to court for money laundering for diverting V-Mobile shares owned by their respective states into private accounts, Nigeria's ultra-corrupt Attorney General of the federation, Michael Aondoakaa, was "clearing" them of corruption. The case against the thieving former governors that Yar'adua (through Aondoakaa and Farida Waziri of EFCC) had labored hard to cover up is fully underway in a UK court with all the Nigerian accomplices named and European arrest warrants issued. The charges are below:

1. Conspiracy to defraud-Common Law

Between 01/09/2005 and 01/01/2007 1. Conspiracy to defraud:

That Bhadresh babulah Gohil, Lambertus de Boer and daniel benedict Mc Cannn between the 1st day of September 2005 and the 1st day of january 2007 conspired together and with Jmaes onafefe Ibori, Victor Attah, david Edevbie, Love Ojakovo , and others to defraud state within the Federation of Nigeria, namely Delta State and Akwa Ibom State, of sums representing part of the sale of shares owned by the said states in Vee Networks (Nigeria) Limited (trading as V Mobile) to Celtel (Nigeria) BV, and held in the names of their respective authorized ministries or agencies the said sums being paid to a company named African Development Finance Limited or its predecessors under an Exclusive arranger Agreement to a total invoiced value in excess of $37,000,000 United States dollars



Contrary to common law.



H.O 53/4 Local None CJS COL011

2. Make a false instrument with intent it be acceoted to genuine-Forgery and

Counterfeiting Act 1981

Between 01/09/2005 and 01/07/2007 2. Conspiracy to make false instruments:
That Bhadresh Babulal Gohil, Lambertus de Boer and Daniel Benedict McCann between the 1st day of September 2005 and the 1st day of July 2006 conspired together and with James Onafefe Ibori, David Edevbie, Love Ojakovo and others to make false instruments, namely letters and other documents whuich purported to be made ondate or otherwse in circumstances in which they were not mad, in relation to alleged services provided by African Development Finance or its predecessors in relation to the sale of shares by Delta State in Vee Networks (Nigeria) Limited (trading as V Mobile), with the intention that they or another should use the said letters and documents to induce somebody to accept them as genuine and by reason of so accepting to do, or not to do, some act to his own prejudice or that of any other person.

Contrary to section 1 (1A) of the Criminal Law Act 1977.
H.O 61/21 Local None CJS FC81002

3. Proceeds of Crime-arrangement re criminal property -money launder
Between 15/04/2006 and 09/09/2009 3. Money Laundering:
That Bhadresh Babulal Gohil, Lambertus de Boer and Daniel Benedict MCCann with others between the 15th day of April 2006 and the 9th day of September entered into or became concerned in an arrangement which they knew or suspected facilitated (by whatever means) the acquisition, retention, use or control of criminal property by or on behalf of another person or persons, namely the use of the company African Development Finance Limited or its predecessors as a front to receive and launder on behalf of another person sums paid to it under the terms of an Exclusive Arranger Agreement, up to an invoiced total in excess of $37,000,000 United States dollars, in relation to the sale of shares owned by Delta State and Akwa Ibom State in Vee Networks (Nigeria) Limited to Celtel (Nigeria) BV on or after the 15th April 2006.


http://www.saharareporters.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3674:charges-against-edevbie-henry-imashekka-and-ibori&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=18

Conman In Yar’Adua's Government.

The appointment of Emmanuel Lulu Enaboifo into the Umar Yar’Adua administration puts a question mark on the moral and anti-corruption sermon of the Federal Government

By Ademola Adegbamigb
When he buried his mother, Mrs. Cecilia Egonria Enabaifo, in Benin City, on 7 February 2009, Emmanuel Olutokunbo Lulu Enaboifo, Executive Director, Finance and Administration, Nigeria-São Tomé and Principe Joint Development Authority, painted the capital of Edo State red.
At the Benin Airport, the calibre of the invited guests could be determined by the many private jets that perched on the tarmac like cattle egrets, perhaps making those in charge to pray fervently that the not-so-busy facility would wake up to more business.
Indeed, Saint Joseph’s Catholic Church at 1st East Circular Road, venue of the funeral service, and the Court Yard on Boundary Road, where the reception took place, were swarming with the who-is-who in the society. Politicians, former governors, captains of industry, contractors, federal and state government officials, hangers-on of different hues, flotsam and jetsam in the political equation in the state and federal levels and others thronged the two locations.






Former Governor James Ibori, dressed in white lace and the Urhobo/Itsekiri circular beads, was the grand patron of the day. Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Chairman, Dangote Group of Companies, who appeared in a deep grey suit, light blue shirt and a blue tie, was present. So also was Femi Otedola, Chairman of Zenon Oil, whose pair of dark eyeglasses contrasted sharply with his white buba and sokoto. Former Governor Niyi Adebayo of Ekiti State, with his well groomed moustache, was there too in a light yellow agbada with a black cap. Among other big shots that graced the occasion were former governors Odigie Oyegun, Segun Osoba, Bola Tinubu and Joshua Dariye of Edo, Ogun, Lagos and Plateau states, in that order. Governors Adams Oshiomhole, Emmanuel Uduaghan, of Delta and Edo states, respectively; Professor Adebayo Williams, Nduka Irabor and others were not left out either.

The pall bearers from Ebony Caskets also lent some colour to the occasion. They wore cream suits, white shirts and their wine ties matched the colour of the casket upon which a bass relief of the Madonna holding the half-clad image of Christ, who had just been brought down from the cross, was etched. Two ladies, also dressed in cream skirt suits with the same colour of hats, carried two wreaths ahead of the funeral procession which swayed dramatically to the drumming of the Ebony Band. The band members who wore white shirts, pairs of black trousers and black waist coats, were beating their white ‘premier’ drums and blowing their trombones so hard that the veins on their necks became as taut as cables.

Why would Enaboifo, an Executive Director but dubious individual, attract such high-heeled and well respected individuals? TheNEWS learnt that these people did not attend the funeral on the strength of “Lulu’s” legend, but on the invitation of former governor Ibori. Honouring an invitation to attend a bash thrown by “Lulu”, an Ibori boy, was political. A big cheese who attended the function confided in this magazine: “Since Ibori is so close to Yar’Adua, attendance by the politicians and business moguls was a show of loyalty to the Commander-in-Chief who also presides over who gets what, when and how.” Another factor, according to a different source at the party, was that many of the guests, perhaps, did not know the secret of the man that hosted them. Worse still, could President Yar’Adua be oblivious of Lulu’s background?

Recently, Yar’Adua appointed Enaboifo as Executive Director, Finance and Administration, Nigeria-São Tomé and Principe Joint Development Authority. But, as Saharareporters, an online investigative medium, discovered, Enaboifo is a fugitive from justice in the United States. A US District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania convicted him of bank fraud in 1986.

This, to observers, is a big indictment of the Yar’Adua government, which claims, with papal seriousness, to set great store by anti-corruption and high government business ethics. True, when Yar’Adua was sworn in on 29 May 2007, he, in his maiden address to the nation, claimed that he was determined to intensify the war against corruption, because corruption is central to the spread of poverty. He observed that the corrosive effect of corruption was all too visible in all aspects of life in the country. Since the past administration made significant progress in recent years, Yar’Adua promised to maintain the momentum.

In his words: “Over the past eight years, Nigerians have reached a national consensus in at least four areas: to deepen democracy and the rule of law; build an economy driven primarily by the private sector, not government; display zero tolerance for corruption in all its forms, and finally, restructure and staff our government to ensure efficiency and good governance.”

Here lies the rub! Analysts submitted that Yar’Adua, by staffing his government with people like Enaboifo, can never ensure efficiency and good governance. On 8 August ,1986, Enaboifo was arrested at 5702 North Oaks Boulevard, North Brunswick, New Jersey. That time, he was a student at Temple University in Philadelphia, from where he was later expelled on account of this fraud.

A federal grand jury then reportedly indicted and convicted him, but he fled the United States before he could be sentenced. “From on or about 1 April 1986 to or about June 2, 1986, at Philadelphia, in Eastern District of Pennsylvania and elsewhere, defendants CHARLES OLA and OLUTOKUNBO ENABOIFO knowingly, intentionally and unlawfully did conspire, combine, confederate and agree together with each other, and with other persons known and unknown to this grand jury to attempt to execute a scheme and artifice to defraud Philadelphia Savings Fund Society (PSFS) of moneys in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 1344 (a) (1),” the judgment paper read.

On 3 September 1986, a grand jury returned a superseding indictment against Enaboifo and his co-traveller in crime, Charles Ola. However, by 20 October 1986, when Enaboifo appeared before the District Court, Ola had bolted, leaving Enaboifo alone to face the music three days later. In fact, the jury returned verdicts of guilty against Enaboifo on both counts.

But in his delicate brain matter, Enaboifo was planning something. The judges discovered to their chagrin that the defendant had voted with his feet, perhaps taking a cue from Ola, his side-kick. Thus, on 24 November 1986 at 9:30 am, when the judges were to give their verdict, Enaboifo failed to appear. Consequently, the court issued a bench warrant for his arrest and the US Secret Service, thereafter, entered his warrant in the National Crime Information Centre, NCIC.

After waiting for a long time for Enaboifo to resurface, the US Attorney’s Office, on 24 February 2004, re-opened the case and worked towards sentencing him in absentia. Thus, on 15 April, the same year, a judgment in a criminal case was entered against Enaboifo “of 8600 Lindbergh Blvd, Apartment #1907, Philadelphia, P 19153 in Case Number: CR 86-360-2.” The judgment states: “Olutokunbo Enaboifo be sentenced to a term of six months incarceration for counts one and two to run concurrently and that a fine of $1,000 be imposed and entered against the defendant.”

Two years after Enaboifo evaporated from the United States, he landed himself a plum job in the Yar’Adua Jonathan Campaign Organisation as Chief Logistics Officer, working with people like Laolu Saraki, Aisha Rimi and Ibori’s former Commissioner for Finance, David Edevbie. That appointment itself was a form of political IoU for Enaboifo who, according to reports, considerably assisted the former governor when he was still a struggling young man in the United Kingdom. Enaboifo, apart from coordinating the use of Ibori’s Wings Aviation jets, used for Yar’Adua’s election, allegedly held the war chest for the former Delta Governor, the biggest financier of Yar’Adua’s campaign. Another proof of their closeness was that when Enaboifo celebrated his 50th birthday in Lagos, he invited guests to his Parkview Estate, Ikoyi house, which was allegedly bought for him by James Ibori.

How did Enaboifo, a man from a disciplined background, become so crooked? TheNEWS gathered that his father, Wilson Enaboifo, was a complete gentleman. He was a classmate of the late Ogun state governor’s, Bisi Onabanjo, at the Baptist Academy, Lagos and, as a member of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria. He was also an ally of the late governor of the defunct Bendel state, Professor Ambrose Ali.

The appointment of Enaboifo, according to Professor Akin Oyebode, Head, Department of Jurisprudence, University of Lagos, is not new. In his words: “You remember the case of a fellow who escaped from Nigeria on the basis of being wanted for scams in a bank he ran. He later surfaced in the Abuja plot scandal. Like bad coins, these people keep resurfacing. I read the story about the fellow (Enaboifo) in the US and it seems Aso Rock does not execute due diligence before appointments are made in order to check the background and bona fides of candidates.”

The Professor said he would expect that once these people were found out, they should drink their hemlock. He added that it seems here in Nigeria, people make all the noise and nothing happens. “That is it my bother. Unfortunately, Nigerians in their collective amnesia, forget easily,” he lamented.

The Presidency did not seem to be immune to this general forgetfulness. Otherwise, analysts believed, Yar’Adua, given the scandal that rocked the Nigeria-Sao Tome and Principe Joint Development Authority, JDA, in 2005, setting the two countries against each other, a man who is not a walking sepulchre would have been better suited for the office of DG on the Nigerian side. This is because, according to the document setting up the body, it “is governed by a board consisting of four executive directors. Two appointed by the Head of State of Nigeria from among Nigerian nationals of suitable qualifications and experience”.

Foundation for the JDA was laid in 1999 by Obasanjo and his counterpart in Sao Tome and Principe, Fradique de Menezes, giving officials of both countries the task of working out how they could work together for joint exploration of oil in the Gulf of Guinea. This culminated in the August 2000 agreement by the two leaders. Finally, the JDA was formally inaugurated in January 2002.

The key provisions of the treaty setting up the organisation were that 60 per cent of resources would be for Nigeria, while 40 per cent would be for Sao Tomé and Principe. The treaty was to last for 45 years, with a review due after 30 years. There would also be no renunciation of claims to zone by both countries. According to the treaty, the affairs of the Joint Development Zone will be managed by a Joint Development Authority, JDA, that reports to a Joint Ministerial Council, which has overall responsibility for all matters relating to the exploration for and exploitation of the resources in the JDZ, and “such other functions as the States Parties may entrust to it”.

Just one year after this treaty, things almost fell apart between the two countries. TheNEWS, in its 30 January, 2006 edition, reported that trouble started after the 2003 first licensing round, FLR, of oil bloc awards. In 2005, the Sao Tome Attorney-General, Adelino Pereira, as this magazine reported, investigated an allegation raised by a United States of America-based major oil company on certain shady deals it said characterised the FLR awards by the JDA. “The investigations,” as reported, “were backed by the World Bank and Dobie Langenkamp, a professor of Energy at the University of Tulsa in the USA.”

According to our earlier report, the grumbling oil company bid substantially higher than the Nigerian companies that were eventually awarded concession. “But alleged political manipulation and certain option rights to Environmental Remediation Holding Corporation, ERHC, the major beneficiary of the awards, frustrated the US firm to abandon the cause even though it was far more qualified and possesses the requisite financial, technical and managerial capabilities to handle the lead operations in the JDZ than the favoured companies.” EHRC is owned by Chief Emeka Offor, a controversial politician and friend to Obasanjo. Other figures close to Obasanjo were fingered as beneficiaries of the award: Chief Anthony Anenih, now Nigerian Ports Authority Chairman, who owns controlling shares in A & Harmattan Ltd. which won oil bloc 2; Godsonic Incorporated Oil and Gas, which succeeded in bloc 4; Aliko Dangote clinched bloc 3 through his company, DEER. So also was Mike Adenuga, whose Conoil won in bloc 4 .

“Kema Chikwe, former Aviation Minister,” as this magazine wrote, “is believed to have recruited Hope Uzodinma, an Obasanjo crony (who has just been arrested by the Economic and Finacial Commission over an alleged scam), to float Filtzim-Huzod Oil and gas. The company, registered in the Cayman Islands, was yet another beneficiary, as was Sahara Energy, owned by Tonye Cole, son of Dr. Patrick Dele Cole, a former Special Adviser to Obasanjo…”

Apart from lack of a geological or petroleum engineering academic or professional expertise, the companies, as the Sao Tome government alleged, “equally lack the financial guarantee to actualise operation”. The Sao Tome AG’s office alleged further: “The procedures used to select the companies which received concessions contained serious flaws and did not satisfy the minimum standards required for the award of such licences.”

The report views the Nigerian-owned companies awarded exploration rights as emergency “investment vehicles of financial speculators with no track record of achievement in oil producing or exploration”. Also regulatory documents published in the USA, where ERHC is domiciled, described Offor’s company as “little more than a paper company with no operations and just one favourable contract in its portfolio”. To many observers, the appointment of Enaboifo is to perpetuate this negative status. Analysts wonder which resume he presented to qualify to be in charge of Finance and Administration at a major bi-national commission like the JDZ.

Many Nigerians are actually afraid that Enaboifo is a different brand of Robin Hood. Unlike the original one who hid in Sherwood Forest in Nottinghamshire, the United Kingdom, to rob the rich to give to the poor, Enaboifo, given his antecedents and his coterie of friends and associates, would fleece the two oil-laden countries to make the rich richer.

http://thenewsng.com/announce/conman-in-government/2009/02?version=print

Contract scam rocks FIFA U-17 W/Cup - Officials bought Jeeps, Camry for govt officials - Bought houses in Dubai.

Idowu Samuel, Abuja
Wednesday, September 9, 2009

WITH about a month to the kick-off of the 2009 FIFA Under 17 World Cup to be hosted by Nigeria, the Local Organizing Committee (LOC) is embroiled in an allegation of irregular award of contracts that may threaten the competition’s smooth organization.
Findings by the Nigerian Tribune showed that some top officials of the LOC are at loggerheads over the manner contracts for the hosting of the football competition are being handled.

According to investigations, the lack of due process in the award of nearly all the contracts is the cause of the crisis among some LOC officials.

A top notcher on the committee was accused of shutting out qualified contractors in the bidding process, thus preventing them from taking contracts from the LOC. The affected LOC official allegedly frustrated open competitive bid for the contracts so far awarded.

The interest by Nigeria to host the football competition had suffered initial setback when President Umaru Yar’Adua refused to approve the huge sum of money prepared by the LOC as estimate to organize the global youth football tournament.

President Yar’Adua had reportedly declined interest in hosting the competition when he was presented with the initial budget put at over N30 billion budget, which, reports said, he considered outrageous.

It, however, took intense persuasion and lobbying from high quarters before the president eventually agreed to the plan by Nigeria to host the FIFA Under-17 World Cup, but not until the budget for the hosting had been drastically reduced.

Investigations revealed also that the country could end up exposing its corrupt tendencies to the world during the competition, owing to the allegation, amid suspicion, that most of the equipment and facilities being imported were of low quality.

It was also learnt that few weeks to the kick-off of the tournament, about 25 chattered flights being expected from different European countries to bring sporting equipment and other consignments into the country were yet to process their papers for the trip to Nigeria.

Among the consignments being expected are media equipment, security gadgets and other accessories meant to complement works at the stadium already approved by FIFA for the competition.

It was gathered that though FIFA had appointed Hyundai as the official sponsors of the competition and the company was expected to supply all the vehicles needed for the event, the officials still went ahead to buy exquisite vehicles - Jeeps and Camry - for top government officials and other highly placed persons. A top government official was said to have been presented with three Prado Jeeps while others got one each.

The shoddy preparations by Nigeria for the tournament had given FIFA sleepless nights as the officials had to travel to Nigeria several times to access sporting facilities for the hosting of the soccer fiesta.

Nigerian Tribune learnt authoritatively that although some of the chattered flights may start arriving in Nigeria as from next week, the process of clearing imported consignments may suffer some hitches as the LOC is yet to appoint good clearing agent, among those that had shown interest.

Some concerned LOC officials were said to be angry that, so far, it was only a clearing agent owned by a prominent front that had been approved to do the clearing, while the door had been shut against other qualified ones on the order of one of the leaders of the LOC.

Intervention made by the Vice President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, and the Minister of Sports, Alhaji Sani Ndanusa, in the matter had doused the tension but the instruction by the vice president that more contractors should participate in the award of contracts had been ignored by the LOC officials.

Meanwhile, some of the big guns of the LOC were alleged to have bought houses in Dubai, where they had temporarily relocated as part of security measure to keep them out of the trouble that was likely to emanate from the unsettled issues of the contract awards.

Nigerian Tribune gathered that the aggrieved parties in the LOC had resolved to petition the appropriate anti-graft agencies to draw their attention to the contracts so far awarded by the LOC without due process.

Efforts made to get some of the officials to react to the allegations were unsuccessful. Several phone calls made to them were not answered.

Ibori hides in Nigeria, wife and co-conspirators for trial in London 28 September; charge-sheet details horrendous fraud schemes

In Nigeria, James Onanefe Ibori is a self-confessed friend of President Umaru Yar’Adua. He can enjoy breakfast at Aso Rock, lunch with the Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party, and have cocktails with any assemblage of governors and high society he pleases.

Later this month, however, following two years in which he has enjoyed life as a free man in Nigeria, the government of which, through Attorney-General Aondoakaa, tried to help him with his legal problems in the UK, Ibori’s money-laundering activities and fraudulent lifestyle while he was state governor and afterwards, will finally reach trial.

The charge-sheet against Ibori and his accomplices show a record of lies, manipulation, deceit and fraud as Ibori engaged in wholesale looting that will make the blood of the people of Delta State boil. With a variety of people that include his wife, Theresa Nkoyo; his sister, Christine Omatie Ibori-Ibie; his former secretary, Adebimpe Pogoson; his mistress, Udoamaka Okoronkwo; his lawyer, Bhadresh Gohil, and others, the charges show that—among others—James Ibori conspired and grossly inflated prices and invoices of contracts that he arranged to benefit himself. In effect, he was defrauding the government that he headed, for his private interests.

The charges also show that following a conspiracy with Governor Ibori, his accomplices manipulated UK financial institutions, the law and investment structures with the intent to defraud.

As a result of their devious schemes, Ms. Pogoson and Ms. Christine Ibori-Ibie will appear at the Southwark Crown Court in three weeks to face eight counts of money-laundering that demonstrate deep greed and ruthless ambition.

Ibori’s mistress, Udoamakaa Okoronkwo, will face four charges of money-laundering; the charge of conspiracy to defraud against her has been dropped. Four is the same number of charges that Ibori’s wife, Theresa—who seemed eager to share her husband as long as her marriage foamed-over with hard currency—will face at the Southwark Crown Court 21 February 2010.

Bhadresh Gohil faces four counts of money-laundering for his role in the grisly Ibori business. The charge sheet further shows that earlier today, further charges were brought against Mr. Gohil, along with two others: Daniel McCann, of St Mary, Jersey; and Lambertus De Boer of 47 Penfold Street, London NW8.

Ibori, Ibru, Edevbie and Okumagba of BGL securities

The new charges are in relation to the sale of V-Mobile telecoms shares by Akwa Ibom State and Delta State, in which about $37.8 million was stolen. Former Governor Victor Attah of Akwa Ibom state will feature in the trial as well as Ibori’s associates, David Edevbie and Henry Imashekka. On this particular matter, Gohil, McCann and De Boer were granted bail today. They will be back at the City of Westminster Magistrates Court on 10 September 2009.

Below are the charges against James Ibori and his fellow conspirators:

The following will appear at trial at Southwark Crown Court on 28 September 2009:
[A] Adebimpe Folayinmi Pogoson [23/10/68 - 40 ys] of Barons Court, Church Lane, The Hyde, NW9
[B] Christine Omatie Ibori-Ibie [4/7/58 - 50 ys] of Woodhill Cres, Kenton, Harrow, Middx

charged with:
= Count 1:
Between 1 June 1999 and 29 May 2007 they conspired together and with James Onanefe Ibori, Udoamaka Onuigbo (also known as Okoronkwo) and others to defraud the Delta State Government by dishonestly, among other matters:
(i) being a party to an inflated price fraud in respect of the contract for the building of a sports track for the Delta State Government at the
(ii) being a party to the provision of an inflated invoice fraud in respect of the supply of vehicles to the Delta State Government
(iii) being a party to working for the private interests of James Onanefe Ibori whilst the Governor of Delta State whilst being paid by the Delta State Government.
Contrary to common law.

= Count 2:
Between 1 May 1999 and 24 March 2003 they conspired together and with James Onanefe Ibori, Udoamaka Onuigbo (also known as Okoronkwo) and others to enter into or were otherwise concerned in an arrangement whereby the proceeds of the criminal conduct of James Onanafe Ibori were used:
(i) to secure that funds were placed at the disposal of James Onanefe Ibori; or
(ii) for the benefit of James Onanefe Ibori to acquire property by way of investment,
they knowing or suspecting that James Onanefe Ibori was or had been engaged in criminal conduct or had benefited from criminal conduct.
Contrary to section 93A of the Criminal Justice Act 1988.

= Count 3:
Between 23 March 2003 and 30 May 2007 conspired together and with James Onanefe Ibori, Udoamaka Onuigbo (also known as Okoronkwo) and others to conceal, disguise, convert, transfer, or remove criminal property, knowing or suspecting that the property constituted a person's benefit from criminal conduct, or it represented such a benefit in whole or in part and whether directly or indirectly.
Contrary to section 327 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.


Christine Omatie Ibori-Ibie also faces the following charges:

= Count 4:
On or about 2 of Nov. 2001 dishonestly obtained for herself or another a money transfer from GMAC -RFC Limited in the sum of £356,250.00 being a loan by way of mortgage in respect of the property known as 76 Woodhill Crescent, Kenton, Harrow, Middlesex HA3 0LZ by deception, namely by making false representations, among others, that

(i) her income was £130,238.00;
(ii) her business was C Ibie International and was an export and import agent;
(iii) the business had been established since 1996
(iv) she had been self employed in it for 5 years as the owner.
Contrary to section 15A of the Theft Act 1968.

= Count 5:
On or about 20 April 2006 she dishonestly obtained for herself of another a money transfer from Abbey National PLC in the sum of £374,000.00 being a loan by way of mortgage in respect of the property known as 76 Woodhill Crescent, Kenton, Harrow, Middlesex HA3 0LZ by deception, namely by making false representations, among others, that:
(i) she was a self employed interior decorator working form her home address;
(ii) her net profit/income for the year to 5th April 2005 was £89,820.00;
(iii) her net profit/income for the year to 5th April 2004 was £85,448.00;
(iv) her net profit /income for the year to 5th April 2003 was £79,105.00
Contrary to section 15A of the Theft Act 1968.

= Count 6:
On or about 3 July 2001 she dishonestly obtained for herself or another a money transfer from GE Money Home Lending Limited (part of I Group Limited) in the sum of £50,500.00 being a loan by way of mortgage in respect of the property known as 139 Kingfisher Way, London NW10, by deception, namely by making false representations, among others, that
(i) she operated a wholesale childrens' wear business under the name of Mareli from 78 Victoria Road, London NW6 6QA;
(ii) she had been self employed for six years;
(iii) her income was £200,000.00 before tax.
Contrary to section 15A of the Theft Act 1968.

= Count 7:
On or about 23 December 2003 she attempted dishonestly to obtain for herself or another a money transfer from the Kensington Mortgage Company Limited in the sum of £157,895.00 being a loan by way of mortgage in respect of the property known as Flat 47, Geneva Court, Rookery Way, Colindale, London NW9 6GA, be deception, namely by making false representations , among others, that:
(i) her business was in Oil and Gas services - management and maintenance;
(ii) the business was Winburg Oil and Gas and its address was 78 Victoria Road, Kilburn, London NW6 6QA.
(iii) the business had been trading for 5 years and her shareholding was 100 per cent;
(iv) her share of the net profits for the year 2002 to 2003 was £112,000.00
(v) her share of the net profits for the year 2001 to 2002 was £110,000.00;
(vi) her share of the net profits for the year 2000 to 2001 was £105,000.00.
Contrary to section 1(1) of the Criminal Attempts Act 1981.

= Count 8:
On or about 27 August 2004 she dishonestly obtained for herself or another a money transfer from the Kensington Mortgages Limited in the sum of £137,245.00 being a loan by way of mortgage in respect of the property known as 58 Uphill Drive, London NW9 0BX by deception , by making false representations, among others, that
(i) her business was in Oil and Gas services - management and maintenance;
(ii) the business was Winburg Oil and Gas and its address was 78 Victoria Road, Kilburn, London NW6 6QA;
(iii) the business had been trading for 5 years and her shareholding was 100 per cent;
(iv) her share of the net profits for the year 2002 to 2003 was £112,000.00;
(v) her share of the net profits for the year 2001 to 2002 was £110,000;
(vi) her share of the net profits for the year 2000 to 2001 was £105,000.00.
Contrary to section 15A of the Theft Act 1968
[C] Udoamaka ONUIGBO [a/k/a OKORONKWO] [8/12/64 - 43 ys] of 71 Mayflower Lodge, Regents Park Rd N3, business trader [Nigerian national] charged with
= 4 counts of money laundering.
(NFPUB 1 count of conspiracy to defraud has been discontinued)
The following will appear at trial listed for 21 February 2010 at Southwark Crown Court:
[D] Theresa IBORI [39 ys] of Westover Hill, Hampstead, charged with 4 counts of money laundering.


[E] Bhadresh Gohil (5.12.64 - 43 ys) of Leesons Hill, Chislehurst, Kent charged with 4 counts of money laundering:
= That he between 1 March 2005 and 1 Feb. 2007 conspired together with James Ibori, Theresa Ibori, Udoamaka Okoronkwo and others to commit an offence of money laundering, contrary to Sect. 327 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, by concealing, disguising, converting, transferring or removing criminal property from England and Wales, knowing or suspecting that the said criminal property constituted another's benefit from criminal property, or represented such a benefit, in whole or in part and whether directly or indirectly.

Contrary to section 1(1) of the Criminal Law Act 1977.

= That he between 1 March 2005 and 1 Feb. 2007 entered into or became concerned in an arrangement which he knew or suspected facilitated the acquisition retention use or control of criminal property by or on behalf of another, he knowing or suspecting that the said criminal property constituted another's benefit from criminal conduct, or represented such a benefit, in whole or in part, and whether directly or indirectly.

Contrary to Section 328 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.

= That he between 1 March 2005 and 24 Sep. 2008 conspired together with James Ibori, Theresa Ibori, Udoamaka Okoronkwo. and others to commit a money laundering offence contrary to section 327 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, by concealing, disguising, converting, transferring, or removing criminal property from England and Wales, knowing or suspecting that the said criminal property constituted another's benefit from criminal conduct, or represented such a benefit. in whole or in part and whether directly or indirectly.

Contrary to Section 1(1) of the Criminal Law Act 1977.

= That he between 1 March 2005 and 24 Sep. 2008 entered into or became concerned in an arrangement which he knew or suspected facilitated the acquisition, retention, use or control of criminal property by or on behalf of another, he knowing or suspecting that the said criminal property constituted another's benefit from criminal conduct, or represented such a benefit in whole or in part and whether directly or indirectly.

Contrary to Section 328 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.

[C] Udoamaka ONUIGBO [a/k/a OKORONKWO] [8/12/64 - 43 ys] of 71 Mayflower Lodge, Regents Park Rd N3, business trader [Nigerian national] charged
= 2 counts of money laundering.
Further charges were brought on 9 September 2009 against:

[E] Bhadresh Gohil (5.12.64 - 43 ys) of Leesons Hill, Chislehurst, Kent
[G] Daniel McCann (10.7.42 - 67 ys) of Valley House, le Vau Bourel, St Mary, Jersey
[H] Lambertus De Boer (13.7.46 - 63 ys, male) of Cray House, 47 Penfold Street, London NW8
for:
- Conspiracy to defraud contrary to common law
- Conspiracy to make false instruments contrary to section 1(1A) of the Criminal Law Act 1977
-Money laundering contrary to section 328 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002
-Money laundering contrary to section 328 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002
-Money laundering contrary to section 327 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002
In relation to the sale of V Mobile telecoms shares by two Nigerian States viz. Akwa Ibom State and Delta State, whereby circa USD $37.8 million was stolen.
They have been bailed to appear at City of Westminster Magistrates Court on 10 September 2009.
[F] On 9 April 2008 a man [now 50 yrs] was arrested in connection with another strand of the wider police investigation. He returned on bail on 24 June 2009 and was re-bailed pending further.

http://www.saharareporters.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3667:as-ibori-hides-in-nigeria-wife-and-co-conspirators-for-trial-in-london-28-september-charge-sheet-details-horrendous-fraud-schemes&catid=1:latest-news&Itemid=18

Celebrating The Fighter @ 70.

Though hospitalised, a shower of tributes greets Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, as he marks his 70th birthday

•Mrs. Abike Fawehinmi, Miss Rabiat Fawehinmi, Mrs. Basirat Fawehinmi-Biobaku, join the destitute to cut the 70th birthday cake of Chief Gani Fawehinmi at his residence. Photo: Akin Farinto.


By Sylvester Asoya

Like a true hero, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, took centre stage last week, as family and friends came together to celebrate the 70th birthday of the indefatigable fighter. But Gani, as he is fondly called, is an unusual hero. Unlike most patriots, Gani is lucky to be experiencing an intense show of love and appreciation in his lifetime. The activist, who is currently recuperating from lung cancer in his London home dominated public discourse for nearly two weeks.

The
• Chief Gani Fawehinmi: Outpouring of love at 70.
celebration which came to a climax on Tuesday 22 April attracted all manner of people, particularly his usual guests of beggars and the physically challenged. And in keeping to tradition, even in his absence, his household ensured that the birthday cake was cut by the destitute and less privileged whose cause the radical lawyer has dedicated his entire life.

But Gani is not just a lawyer for only the masses. For him, justice must be delivered at the doorstep of everybody, irrespective of class and status. And this was reflected in the calibre of people who thronged his GRA, Ikeja, Lagos home. They included the rich and the poor, the high and low, professional bodies, civil society groups, socio-cultural and pressure groups. The celebration which continues even into this week promises to host public lectures and discussions like the one being organised by Campaign for Democracy, CD, entitled Gani: Bridging The Generation Gap.

Fawehinmi’s earliest and most celebrated legal battle came in 1969 when he took Andrew Obeya, the then secretary to old Benue-Plateau State government to court for snatching the wife of a certain Bala Abashe, a factory worker. This turned out to be a defining moment for the radical lawyer, as he went on in later years to tackle other controversial cases.

Gani is also remembered for his courage in the case involving Minere Amakiri, a correspondent with the Nigerian Observer. Amakiri who was based in Port Harcourt was detained for reporting the Rivers State Teachers’ strike on the birthday of Alfred Diette-Spiff who was then military governor of the state. Aside his detention, Amakiri was also thoroughly beaten and given a haircut with broken bottles by security operatives who manhandled him on the order of Diette-Spiff.

The following years, particularly under the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo, proved quite difficult for the fiery lawyer, as he became the official advocate of students’ union leaders across the length and breadth of the nation. The most prominent of these cases then was the infamous Ali-Must-Go crisis of 1978 which was triggered off by the regime’s imposition of obnoxious fees on students. This led to loss of precious lives and disruption in the academic calendar.

By far the most harrowing period for Gani came under the military regimes presided over by Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha. During that period when he regularly stood up in defence of journalists and civil society groups, he was not only harassed and humiliated, he was also detained under the worst of conditions. As it turned out, the lawyer became a regular guest in Nigerian prisons, particularly in the Northern part of the country.

When in 1986, foremost investigative journalist, Dele Giwa died under very baffling circumstance via a letter bomb, he was the first to accuse the government of the day, led by Babangida, of complicity. Gani followed the case so religiously that he demanded explanation from Babangida’s security chiefs who were believed to have been the masterminds of the assassination.

Later, he took on Babangida, first for his voodoo economic policies which further impoverished Nigerians, and his endless transition programme that ended in a fiasco. In the wake of the criminal annulment of June 12 1993 presidential election, Fawehinmi joined other well meaning Nigerians to press for the revalidation of the election believed to have been won by Chief M.K.O Abiola. The battle continued through the interim government to General Abdulsalami Abubakar, until the dawn of democracy in 1999.

Outside the battle field, the lawyer has contributed immensely to the growth and advancement of the legal profession. Aside owning the best equipped law library in Nigeria, Fawehinmi’s law chamber is generally believed to be a veritable training ground for young and radical lawyers.

He is the first lawyer to publish a weekly law report that contains judicial precedents (decided cases) in courts.

Gani is also regarded as a man who liberalised the formation of political parties in Nigeria. Sequel to the Supreme Court judgment ordering the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to register more political parties, Fawehinmi had dragged INEC, former president, Olusegun Obasanjo and the National Assembly to court over the inconsistencies in the Electoral Act of 2001. He asked the court to expunge section 74(2) from the Act. The section provides that an association will not be registered as a political party unless “it produces evidence of payment of registration fee of N100,000; and must provide addresses of the offices of the political
•Mrs. Abike Fawehinmi, Miss Rabiat Fawehinmi, Mrs. Basirat Fawehinmi-Biobaku, join the destitute to cut the 70th birthday cake of Chief Gani Fawehinmi at his residence. Photo: Akin Farinto.
association in at least two-thirds of the total number of the states of the Federation spread among the six geo-political zones.”

To the fiery lawyer, this provision constituted an impediment to the opening of the democratic space. He pursued the matter up to the Supreme Court where the justices upheld his prayers. His victory at the apex court opened the door for the formation of more political parties. Some of the parties that were formed after Fawehinmi’s victory are the National Conscience Party, NCP, led by Fawehinmi himself; Fresh Democratic Party founded by Reverend Chris Okotie, and Peoples Redemption Party, PRP, floated by Alhaji Balarabe Musa.

These are some of the achievements of this great Nigerian activist who has influenced a generation of Nigerians. His popularity was also evident during last week’s celebration of his birthday which attracted a lot of people. Those in attendance included the leader of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni people, Dr. Ledum Mitee; Dr. Joe Okei-Odumakin of the Campaign for Democracy, CD; Osita Nwajah of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, and others.

Speaking at the occasion, Mitee commended Gani whom he described as a consistent and dogged fighter who believed in the unity of the country. The MOSOP leader called on Nigerians to pray for the ailing activist. “I think that the best that we can hope is that he stays alive and God should grant him more years on earth so that he continues to be that beacon of hope,” he said.

Other Nigerians have also been speaking on Gani at 70. Femi Falana, lawyer and human rights activist praised the legal icon for not only influencing the legal profession with his law reporting and advocacy but also for providing leadership during those turbulent military days. According to him: “Chief Fawehinmi has earned his solid place in history. But for the huge sacrifice of Gani and his comrades, Nigeria would have gone completely under in the soiled hands of a visionless and directionless ruling class. Even though heros are hardly celebrated in their lifetime in Nigeria, Gani has been honoured at home and abroad.”

Falana added that it was only natural to honour Gani for all his efforts. “The students of Obafemi Awolowo University made him a Senior Advocate of the Masses, SAM, in 1988. Years later, authorities of the prestigious university conferred him with the LL.D degree. The legal profession has conferred him with the rank of SAN even though belatedly. Outside Nigeria, Amnesty International; the American Bar Association; the International Bar Association and other reputable organisations have honoured him for his immense contributions to the promotion of human rights,” he remarked.

In the same vein, Dr. Sylvester Odion-Akhaine of the Centre for Constitutionalism and Demilitarisation spoke glowingly of the activist. “At 70, Gani remains a giant in the struggle for the emancipation of the downtrodden in our country. While wishing him long life, our young ones should emulate this dogged fighter,” he stated.

Born on 22 April 1938, Gani attended Ansar-Ud-Deen School, Ondo between 1946 and 1953; Victory College, Ikare, 1954-58; University of London 1961-64 and Nigerian Law School, Lagos in 1964. Fawehinmi is married to Ganiat and Sadiat and has many children.

Chief Gani Fawehinmi's Last Letter to Yar'adua .

Since the President came to power on May 29, 2007, the masses of our country have been groaning in unprecedented poverty as a result of lack of direction; Put simply, the Federal Government is a total failure, worsened by lack of direction and leadership.

Chief Gani Fawehinmi's Last Letter to Yar'adua

At the weekend, notably on Friday, December 12, 2008 it was published in most of the newspapers in Nigeria that the Federal Government of Nigeria has honoured me with the Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR).

I have had time after the publication to think deeply whether to accept or reject the honour.

I thank the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar‘ Adua. I thank the Federal Government of Nigeria and I am very grateful to the Council of State which approved the honour of OFR given to me by the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

I wish to express my gratitude to numerous Nigerians who by telephone calls, mobile text messages and some by personal visits congratulated me on the award of OFR.

This is the first government in Nigeria to honour me with the national award. Obviously this government must have considered my activities in the last 43 years before deciding to give the national award of OFR. From my own standpoint and perception, my struggles and crusades include: (1) The abolition of poverty from the face of our country; (2) The unqualified need to preserve, defend and protect the fundamental human rights; (3) The governance of our country through democratic processes; (4) The subjection of everybody and everything to and under the Rule of Law; (5) The right of the people to free and qualitative education at all Levels; (6) The right of the people to free and qualitative health services and facilities; (7) The strengthening of our economy through sound development of infrastructure including power generation (electricity), good roads, good and modern rail-system across the length and breadth of Nigeria, good water way transportation system; The overall duties of all Nigerians and governments (local, states and federal) to make Nigeria a corruption-free country by fighting corruption with all our might and main.

In the course of my struggles over the decades for the above ideals, I have been subjected by various governments to all traumatic travails and persecutions including: (a) Series of detentions in several prisons across Nigeria, notably Ikoyi Prison (three times), Kaduna Prison, Gombe Prison, Gasua Prison, Kuje Prison (two times), Bauchi Prison, etc, etc; (b) Twenty three police detentions between 1969 and 1998 at Police Headquarters, Kaduna, Jos Police Station, Ilorin Police Station, Police Headquarters. Lagos, C.I.D., Alagbon, Lagos,‘ Inter-Centre Detention Outpost, Lagos, Ikoyi Police Station, Panti Police Station, Lagos, Police Station, Wuse, Abuja, Police Station, Ikeja, Police Headquarters, Abuja, etc.; (c) ‘Arrested 32 times between 1969 and 1998 which led to the series of detentions and trials; (d) My chambers (Gani Fawehinmi Chambers) at Anthony Village, Lagos was, attacked- by security men under, various governments 16 times, culminating in the attack on Friday, August 26, 1994 when security men under Gen. Sani Abacha regime at 4am turned my Chambers into a pool of blood; (e) Thousands of copies of my books, notably on the murder of Dele Giwa, were forcibly removed and seized by security agents under Gen. Ibrahim Babangida regime and despite court orders to return my books, the military government at that time refused to obey the court orders; (f) My international passport was seized more than 15 times between 1966 and 1998; (g) I was charged to court 18 times for politically-motivated criminal offences including treason and I was jailed once and became prisoner J60 before my imprisonment was terminated by the Court of Appeal.

Today, I am 70 years and eight months old and I am struck down by lung cancer for which I have been receiving medical treatment outside my country because my country – Nigeria – has one of the poorest medical services in the world but one of the richest countries in the world in terms of oil revenue.

My decision to either accept or reject the national honour of the award of OFR will depend on how far the Nigerian nation through Nigerian governments tried to achieve any of the aforementioned eight goals.

Corruption is one single, fundamental factor that has retarded the progress of the nation and its social-economic development.

It is generally agreed, nationally and internationally, that Mallam Nuhu Ribadu did a lot to retard the inhibitive progress of corruption. 419 crimes were on the decline. Gross misuse of public funds by public officers was on the downward trend. Looting at the top became minimised. As Nigerians were breathing a sigh of relief, the government of AIhaji Umaru Yar‘ Adua threw Mallam Nuhu Ribadu out of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. The removal of Nuhu Ribadu as EFCC Chairman happened at a time Nigerians were saying ‘the fear of EFCC is the beginning of wisdom’ as far as corruption was concerned.

I went to court to challenge Ribadu‘s illegal removal from the EFCC. I thought Yar‘Adua‘s government would allow the court to do its work. But alas, Ribadu was sent to National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, for a one-year course. While undergoing the one-year course in Kuru, on August 5, 2008, the Federal Government of Nigeria presided over by President Yar‘ Adua demoted Ribadu from the rank of Assistant Inspector-General of Police to Deputy Commissioner of Police.

Mallam Ribadu rightly approached a court of law by instituting an action to challenge the obnoxious demotion. Whilst the suit was pending, security agents physically removed him from the ceremony on November 22, 2008 where he was to be awarded his certificate for success at the NIPSS, Kuru.

Today, the architect of the unprecedented anti-corruption war, unprecedented in the annals of Nigeria since 1914, is now literally roaming the streets of Nigeria without official car, without official status, without any form of security, and yet he is still being subjected to hounding, haunting and all forms of dehumanising vilification by the Federal Government.

His only ‘offence’ is that he used the instrumentality of a public institution, the EFCC to investigate, arrest, charge, and in some cases, to convict through the law courts some public officers in various corridors of power throughout the length and breadth of Nigeria people who were otherwise called the untouchables.

By the performance of his duties, Nigeria and Nigerians gained in integrity, honour and recovery of their looted wealth. But Ribadu did not make any personal gain. He only waged a war against corruption, graft, stealing, money laundering, etc, etc, in the corridors of power. In return, the regime of President Yar‘ Adua decided to wage unrelenting war against anti-graft war.”

Instead of the Federal Government to publicly acknowledge the unprecedented good Ribadu has done to the psyche of Nigerians by awarding him the greatest national honour, the government has decided to continuously persecute this young man. It was therefore the greatest embarrassment for me, when at the weekend, it was announced that I was one of those 275 Nigerians honoured with national honours and in my case the OFR.

Yes, I have done my best for this country in various fields and I still want to continue to do my best. But we live in a situation where the 1999 Constitution provides in Section 15(5) that: ”The State shall abolish all corrupt practices‘ and abuse of power” and a young man emerged to do what the Constitution enjoins and he is being persecuted for carrying out the provisions of the Constitution. Yet, the President swore to observe, preserve and defend the same Constitution. I find it extremely difficult to accept that President Yar‘ Adua‘s government has the honour to dispense honour.

In the light of the above, I cannot accept the ‘honour’ of OFR. Whether now or in the life beyond. How can I wake up in the morning and look at the insignia of honour bestowed on me under a government that persecutes anti-corruption effort, particularly those of Nuhu Ribadu?

At the time the Nigerian Bar Association wrote the letter to my office that my name would be forwarded for national honour while I was in London receiving medical treatment for lung cancer, the government of President Yar‘ Adua had not begun in earnest the war against anti-corruption war and the harrowing persecution of Nuhu Ribadu had not reached its crescendo. I do not blame the NBA for sending my name at the time it did for national honour,

However, events from August 2008 to this day are so bizarre, unbelievably barbaric in their intensity, in terms of persecuting those fighting against corruption and the singling out of Ribadu for persecution, all for giving honour and dignity to this country and for recovering for our treasury, billions of naira and other forms of wealth looted by public officers.

A government that covertly and overtly encourages corruption has no honour in its arsenal of power to dispense honour. Consequently, I reject the dishonour of OFR termed ‘honour‘ given to me by the Federal Government.

The Plight of the masses of our people

Nobody can dispute the fact that since this regime came to power the plight of the masses has worsened as I have shown in items 1 - 7 above. But I wish to reiterate that in all the ramifications of human existence, the masses have found themselves in the doldrum of pain occasioned by gross misgovernance of the country.

Furthermore, since the President came to power on May 29, 2007, the masses of our country have been groaning in unprecedented poverty as a result of lack of direction, The directionlessness of the Federal Government has been characterised by the following, amongst others: collapsed infrastructure, total paralysis of the health sector at all levels, constant nationwide power failure and the attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy; pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of our people; debilitating homelessness, retrogressive educational programmes and policies, which have made no Nigerian university to be ranked within the first 500 universities in the world, and no effort is being made by the regime to improve on the humiliating situation.

Put simply, the Federal Government is a total failure, worsened by lack of direction and leadership. Is this the atmosphere for the award of national honours? Certainly Not!

In addition to my rejection of the honour of the OFR on the grounds of Federal Government‘s conscious war against anti-corruption war, the decadent socio- economic situation does not engender the well being of ordinary people and there is no hope in sight.

In view of the foregoing, I reject the award of OFR!

www.elombah.com
(A Nigerian Perspective on world affairs)
Last Updated on Sunday, 06 September 2009 12:00

N4.7 Billion Pay Package a year for doing nothing...

President Umaru Yar’Adua labelled Nigerian lawmakers a do-nothing-legislature, yet, Nigerian Senators and Representatives reportedly gulps more than N4.7 Billion Pay Package a year (N40m each per month).

Only 25 members from the 19 Northern States, representing about 13 percent of the North's total 190 members in the House of Representatives sponsored or made meaningful contributions to any bills in the last two years.

Yet, each member will get N9.9 million BASIC Salary each year.

The oversight duties of the Banking and Finance Committees of the House of Representatives and the Senate failed to capably monitor the liquidity and solvency situation that plunged Nigeria banks into the present crisis. Yet each member could pocket a total of N4Om a month!

The Senate has said the N1 billion voted for the reviewing of the 1999 Constitution was inadequate. On Tuesday September 1, 2009, Deputy of Senate President and Chairman, Senate Committee on the Review of the Constitution, Ike Ekweremadu told newsmen in Abuja that the N500 million earmarked each for the two chambers of the National Assembly was not enough. He said the committee had begun talks with the European Union (EU) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) with a view to sourcing more funds for the execution of the exercise.

Nigerian senators can't find money to solve Nigeria’s problem, yet they take home N4Om a month every month no wonder why they would do anything to get there

See how we arrive at the N4Om:

1 Senator Salary Base 2,484,242.50
2 Wardrobe Allowance 25% > 620,000
3 Recess Allowance 10% > 248,000
4 Accommodation Allowance 200% > 4,900,000
5 Utilities Allowance 30% > 745,000
6 Domestic Allowance 75% > 1,800,000
7 Entertainment Allowance 30% > 745,000
8 Personal Assistance Allowance 25% > 620,000
9 Vehicle Maintenance Allowance 75% > 1,800,000
10 Leave Allowance 10% > 248,000
11 Constituency Allowance 250% > 6,200,000
12 Hardship Allowance 50% > 1,200,000
13 Newspaper Allowance 50% > 1,200,000
14 Furniture Allowance 300% > 7,400,000
15 Severance Gratuity Allowance 300% > 7,400,000

Total Official Payment per Senator over N40 million

House of Reps

Basic salary/Regular allowances N11,145,200 N9,926,062
Furniture N3,039,600 N744,454
Motor Vehicle Loan N5,066,000 N4,963,031
Duty Tour Allowance N23,000 per day N21,000 per day
Estacode $600 per day $550 per day

Severance Gratuity N6, 079,200 N5, 955,637

Senators and members of the House of Representatives will walk away with N4.7 billion every year from the lean Federal treasury as basic salaries and regular allowances while many more billions will be spent on their non-regular allowances. This is according to the new, reduced remuneration packages for public officers fixed by the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC).

Based on the new package, each of the 107 senators (excluding the Senate President and his deputy) will collect N11 million in basic salaries and regular allowances every year while a member of the House of Representatives will get N9.9 million. Previously, a senator was getting N17 million while a House member was collecting N14.99 million.

As detailed above, the regular allowances are accommodation, car maintenance, domestic staff, personal assistant, entertainment, leave, utilities, newspaper/periodicals and constituency. While non-regular allowances-- vehicle loan, furniture allowance, estacode, and duty tour allowance and severance gratuity- are paid separately to each legislator as they become due.

This package was prepared by RMAFC following a letter by President Umaru Yar’Adua asking the commission to slash remuneration packages of political, public and judicial officers given the nation's dwindling revenues. RMAFC chairman Hamman Tukur presented a four-volume report to the president containing reviewed pay packages for federal, state and local government political, public and judicial office holders.

Based on the constitution, RMAFC has the final say on the remuneration package of National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly members.

A Lawmaker could pocket most of this N40 mil payment every month or quarterly. The true cost of a lawmaker’s service per year is beyond outrageous. Factor in the figures for each governor, state assembly legislator, commissioner, special adviser to governor, special adviser to president, LG chairman, LG council person, president, deputy president, minister, etc. and you will conclude that this is indeed a very expensive democracy.

These emoluments are criminally outrageous and absolutely repugnant. There is no way we can afford or survive this kind of democracy. It's either we end up cannibalizing out ourselves in a do-or-die struggle or the state goes bankrupt.

Yet this has been the state of affairs, even under military regimes. The only difference is that under democratic rule, people have more access to data on the true costs of the corrupt administrative state.

As one Nigerian pointed out to me; all of this is to be expected in a country, which is organized to facilitate the looting of public treasuries. We are dealing with an Empire of Thieves, he said: a corrupt administrative state, in which most people aspire to public office, in order to join the ranks of the looters of public treasuries.

We are considering a country, where the average citizen is not shocked, by the fact that the economically non-productive sector, the public sector, consumes about 70 percent of the country's GDP.

70 percent of Nigerians survive on 140 Naira a day, or 4,200 Naira a month. But his representative could make 40 million naira per month. Yet Nigerians could not even protest the idea that a president could make himself the oil minister, in order to have a free hand, in looting the public treasury with reckless abandon.

This is a legislature where a group of lawmakers would sit together and share billions meant for his constituency project and funds meant for a Ministry he supervises. Rep Elumelu & co was accused and currently being prosecuted for embezzling 6.7 Billion Naira meant for rural electrification and other constituency projects. While Senator Iyabo Obasanjo and co shared billions meant for the Health Ministry.

In such a polity, officialdom is merely giving the Thieves in Power a double-bound guarantee. The treasury will be looted in the apogee of criminal moments, but at other times, the administrative state will transfer as much of the country's revenue as possible in the form of salaries, to the same cast of characters. Add also the money he claims for a retinue of legislative assistants which he neither hires nor pay.

While Hurricane Sanusi has engulfed our financial system in its biggest crisis in 25 years, majority of our legislators are presently gallivanting on the streets of Europe and America; would it be asking too much for Nigerians to expect their legislators to cut short their vacation and hold a special session on the banking crisis?

Scottish lawmakers cut short their holiday to deliberate on the release of the Lockerbie bomber. Surely our banking crisis would have more implication for Nigerians than the release and repatriation of Abdul Baset Ali Mohmed al-Megrahi to Libya for the Scots.

Why are Nigerian lawmakers not demanding for policy brief from the President on the banking crisis? Unfortunately as one Nigerian pointed out to me: we no get lawmakers just biz men... when we go realize say politics in naija is money making venture

What actually were the oversight duties of the Banking and Finance Committees of the House of Representatives and the Senate overseeing? From all the fat allowances and other emoluments collected, did they see and hear of no evil? With enormous powers to summon, take testimonies and demand for documents, why did they not have information about the impending doom? Did they have information and decide to cover it up? Either these legislators discovered these malfeasances and decided to cover it up - may be after being compromised by the management of banks. Or they discovered the malfeasance and decided to do nothing!

Some of these legislators are not very vibrant in contributions to debates, motions and the sponsoring of bills. Some of them are semi illiterates; some are secondary school leavers and half baked diploma holders. Most of them cannot read and understand motions and bills. They cannot understand debates on the floor of House, so they feel inadequate in the chamber. So to keep away from embarrassment and inferiority complex, they don’t attend sittings. Debates are shallow, they are worse than beer parlour debates.

The social background of these members is another factor. Most of them are business men; car dealers, contractors, former drug pushers and 419ers, petty traders and hangers on of politicians, particularly governors. Their aim of coming to the House is simply to make money and increase capital. So, the National Assembly is seen as way of making fast and easy money; legislation is secondary.

Most of them see the National Assembly as a fashion centre, where they display their white gowns, cars and handsets. Many of them have turned legislation upside down. To cover their inadequacies, they go to their constituencies and start buying cars, motorcycles, fertilizer and distributing to the electorate, as well as painting class rooms etc. I know of a member who bought a jeep for a governor.

Some members have been in the National Assembly for about ten years now and they have never made contributions on the floor of the House. A large chunk of them, from 2003 to date, have not uttered the word ``Mr Speaker`` on the floor of the House. They don’t attend sittings and they pay chamber attendants to write their names in the register.

Legislators from the Northern part of Nigeria are worse in this regard. The Daily Trust reported that Northerners have the highest number of truant legislators in the House of Representatives – In fact one Northern member’s last appearance in the House was on the inauguration day, two years ago.

They also engage in the criminal conduct of paying chamber attendants to sign the attendance register on their behalf. Moreover, Only 25 members from the 19 Northern States, representing about 13 percent of the North's total 190 members in the House, sponsored or made meaningful contributions to any bills in the last two years.

In order words, while they constitute more than half of the entire membership, the members from the North who sponsored bills amount to just seven percent of the membership of the entire chamber.

Early this year, Nigeria President Umaru Yar’Adua scored the performance of the National Assembly at below average since he assumed office in 2007.

Details of the performance rating, which are contained in a bill sent to the National Assembly by the President, indicated that only one bill, the 2009 Appropriation Bill, had been passed by the lawmakers five months into 2009.

The breakdown contained in the bill also showed that they passed only four laws in the 2008 legislative session. The Presidency stated that only four bills were presented to it during the period.

The bill also indicated that no private member bill was presented to the President in 2008 for assent.

The National Assembly amended the law on salaries and allowances of retired public office holders and passed three other laws in 2008. Some of the bills passed by the lawmakers as contained in the bill by Yar’Adua include:

Certain Political and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, etc) (Amendment) Act, 2008;

Appropriation Act, 2007;

Niger Delta Appropriation Act, 2008;

Appropriation (Amendment) Act, 2008

The Presidency indicted the lawmakers in April 2009 that less than a month to the second anniversary of the administration, the lawmakers have passed only a few bills:

The presidency submitted that the lawmakers in 1999 passed only two laws, which were the supplementary budget bills of that year. The National Assembly passed eight laws in 2000, while it passed four in 2001.

In 2002, the lawmakers passed 11, while the presidency assented to 29 bills in 2003. Twenty one bills were assented to in 2004, and another 21 in 2005, while the lawmakers passed 14 in 2006.

Summary:

YEAR....Bills Passed .........President

1999...........2......................Obasanjo (from May 29, 1999)

2000...........8......................Obasanjo

2001...........4......................Obasanjo

2002..........11.....................Obasanjo

2003..........29.....................Obasanjo

2004..........21.....................Obasanjo

2005..........21.....................Obasanjo

2006..........14.....................Obasanjo

2007............0?...................Obasanjo/Yar'Adua(from May 29, 2007)

2008............4 ....................Yar'Adua

2009............1 ....................Yar'Adua

10 years....115

Legislative Heads:

Years 1999-2003: Senate Presidents - Evan Enwerem; Chuba Okadigbo; Pius Anyim; House Speakers: Salisu Buhari, Ghali Na'Abba

Years 2003-2007: Senate Presidents - Adolphus Nwabara, Ken Nnamani House Speaker - Aminu Masari

Year’s 2007- date: Senate President - David Mark, House Speakers - Mercy Etteh, Dimeji Bankole

Clearly the most productive years were of the more vibrant president (Obasanjo), and more mature and stable legislative heads (Anyim, Na'Abba, Nnamani, Masari).

It is clearly terrible that only 5 bills were passed in 2 years since May 2007?

What could be responsible for the poor state of affairs and inferior quality representation? Daily Trust suggests that a Faulty and corruption-ridden electoral processes, through which incompetent candidates emerge as winners of fraudulent elections, including those conducted at the political party level, are a major catalyst to the presence of non-vibrant members in the National Assembly.

Governors and political interest groups manipulate these processes to preclude competent candidates who would give quality representations from either contesting or winning elections, they added.

The mode of election too is a factor. The governors have pocketed the political process. So, they chose only the candidates they want, to the National Assembly and they do so with the knowledge that these people will one day come and challenge them. So they chose only those who are docile.

A source mentioned a governor who is afraid of any educated person and such a governor will not like someone who is highly educated and intelligent to be in the National Assembly coming from his state.

And what would Nigeria do to these indolent, corrupt and illiterate lootocrats called lawmakers?

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Last Updated on Thursday, 03 September 2009 10:49
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A New Low::New Customs Boss Forges All Certificates

BIG SCANDAL: New Customs Boss Forges All Certificates
September 03, 2009 14:30 (3 hours ago)

By Ada Owojela

The new Comptroller-General of Customs, Alhaji Abdullahi Inde Dikko, is enmeshed in a big certificate scandal. He has been accused of forging all his academic certificates.

The allegation was levelled against the new customs boss by Olajide Oyewole Ibrahim, who claimed to have assisted Dikko to forge the certificates.

In his affidavit regarding his relationship with Dikko, filed on his behalf at an Ikeja High Court by Festus Keyamo, Ibrahim chronicled all the allegations against Dikko, particularly how he (Ibrahim) assisted Dikko to forge his WAEC result, Nigerian Institute of Management (NIM) certificate, how Dikko fraudulently got Association of National Accountants of Nigeria (ANAN) certificate, etc.

According to Ibrahim, “Sometime in 1999, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko confessed to me because of my closeness to him, that his West African Certificate (WAEC) result was defective and implored me to assist him get another result.
•Alhaji Abdullahi Inde Dikko, Comptroller-General of Customs.

“In that same year, i.e. 1999, I assisted Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko through the help of a staff of WAEC, to get him a fake WAEC result bearing the name of Government College, Kaduna and with the date of issuance as 1980.”

Ibrahim further alleged in his affidavit: “In the year 2000 when Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko wanted to become a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), they discovered that the WAEC result was not genuine.

“Prior to their discovery, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko had already submitted the said WAEC certificate to the customs authorities as his and could not withdraw same.

“Following that discovery, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko abandoned his ambition of becoming a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accounts of Nigeria and opted for membership of the Association of National Accountants of Nigeria (ANAN) situate at Herbert Macaulay Way, Yaba, Lagos.

“With the assistance of two (2) members of staff of ANAN, one Mr. Bello who was then in charge of examination and one Mr. Ojelade in charge of registration at the Institute, Alhaji Dikko was admitted as a fellow of ANAN.

“It was the said Mr. Bello who suggested that we got somebody to write the ANAN examination on behalf of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

“That suggestion warranted my contracting one Mr. Ganiu Memudu to write the ANAN examination on behalf of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

“Initially, Mr. Ganiu Memudu was reluctant to write the examination for Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko but after much pressure from me and Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, Mr. Memudu yielded and wrote the ANAN examination conducted sometime in March 2000 at the Auditorium of the University of Lagos.”

Ibrahim is spilling the beans now because he claimed that the new customs boss is threatening his life.

Besides, he said spurious allegations have been levelled against him by Dikko to the extent that he had been arrested and had even been declared wanted by the police in connection with alleged robbery, all at the instigation of Dikko.

He said Dikko had promised to deal with him because he knows too much about the customs boss. He is therefore seeking the enforcement of his fundamental human rights.

In the affidavit, copies of some of the forged certificates were attached. See bellow for details of the allegations against the customs boss who could not be reached at press time.

THE AFFIDAVIT
I, OLAJIDE OYEWOLE IBRAHIM, male, Muslim, Nigerian citizen, resident of Ibadan,
Oyo State, Nigeria, do hereby make oath and state as follows:

1. That my name is Olajide Oyewole Ibrahim and the following facts have already been written and submitted to my lawyer, Barrister Festus Keyamo. I now thought it fit to also make an affidavit.

2. That I knew Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, the present Comptroller-General of the Nigerian Customs Service since 1995, while undergoing the compulsory National Youth Service Corp (NYSC) scheme with the Nigerian Institute of Management (NIM) at Plot 22, Idowu Taylor Street, Victoria Island, Lagos.

3. That during that time, i.e 1995, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko was serving as a Superintendent of Customs (CS) and resided in his official quarters at Block 18, Flat ‘F’, Eric Moore Towers, Surulere, Lagos.

4. That sometime in 1995, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko approached me as the officer in charge of Training and Courses Department of the Nigerian Institute Management, to sneak out blank programme certificates on Finance and Accounts for him, which he intended to fill himself and present as authentic certificates. He explained to me that he needed these certificates and many others to get rapid promotion.

5. That I obliged Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko of this request and secured on his behalf two (2) course participant certificates covering the years 1995 and 1996. (Copies of the certificates are hereby attached as Exhibits ‘A and B’). He thereafter filled them himself and forged the signatures on them.

6. That on the completion of my National Youth Service Corp (NYSC) programme in 1996, the Institute discovered these missing certificates from the booklet of certificates in my custody and when I could not account for them for fear of implicating Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, my name was withdrawn from the list of corpers to be considered for employment.

7. That as I could not be retained, I told Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko of my predicament, but he promised me he would get me into Dangote Group at that time through one of his friends Alhaji Idris Shuaib Mikati. But in the meantime, I became an errand boy for him. This situation of running errands for him continued for years and I later forgot about getting a regular employment.

8. That sometime in 1999, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko confessed to me because of my closeness to him, that his West African Examination Certificate (WAEC) result was defective and implored me to assist him get another result.

9. That in that same year i.e. 1999, I assisted Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko through the help of a staff of WAEC, to get him a fake WAEC result bearing the name of Government College, Kaduna and with the date of issuance as 1980. (Copy of the WAEC result is attached as Exhibit ‘C’).

10. That in the year 2000 when Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko wanted to become a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN), they discovered that the WAEC result was not genuine.

11. That prior to their discovery, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko had already submitted the said WAEC certificate to the customs authorities as his and could not withdraw same.

12. Following that discovery, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko abandoned his ambition of becoming a fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accounts of Nigeria and opted for membership of the Association of National Accountants (ANAN) situate at Herbert Macaulay Way, Yaba, Lagos.

13. That with the assistance of two (2) members of staff of ANAN, one Mr. Bello who was then in charge of examination and one Mr. Ojelade in charge of registration at the Institute, Alhaji Dikko was admitted as a fellow of ANAN.

14. That it was the said Mr. Bello who suggested that we got somebody to write the ANAN examination of behalf of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

15. That suggestion warranted my contracting one Mr. Ganiu Memudu to write the ANAN examination on behalf of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

16. That initially, Mr. Ganiu Memudu was reluctant to write the examination for Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko but after much pressure from me and Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, Mr. Memudu yielded and wrote the ANAN examination conducted sometime in March 2000 at the Auditorium of the University of Lagos. (Copy of the ANAN Certificate is attached as Exhibit ‘D’).

17. That sometime in 2005 when Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko was promoted to the rank of Comptroller of Customs in charge of investigations, I approached him through his wife Hajia Shadiat Abdullahi for assistance in securing a job.

18. That Hajia Shadiat Abdullahi response to my request was that I was trying to reveal the confidentialities between myself and her husband, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko adding that Yoruba men could not be trusted. That response made me to leave their residence on the said date.

19. That sometime in February 2006, on arriving from a religious vigil with my wife, I was informed by my landlady that some persons came in a Toyota Corolla Car looking for me with the aim of offering me a job as a clearing agent at the Ports.

20. That my landlady further added that she suspected foul play since only two persons alighted from the said Toyota Corolla car while the others sat back.

21. That my landlady’s intimations got me worried and scared leading me to relocate my wife and kids. Besides, the persons who came looking for me did not leave any contact address nor phone numbers behind, thereby raising my suspicion.

22.. That I thereafter met one retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, Mr. E.O. Abai who promised to plead with Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

23. That when Mr. Abai got through to Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko via his phone, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko promised to deal with me and added that I may be killed any moment from then.

24. That thereafter, Mr. Abai advised me to enforce my rights in a law court.

25. That on April 24, 2006, a Lagos High Court sitting in Igbosere granted my prayers that I should not be intimidated or harassed by Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko nor any of his agents. (Copy of the Enrolment of Order is attached as Exhibit ‘E’).

26. That on November 21, 2006, I was arrested by Police Officers from Panti Police Station based on a petition written by one Superintendent of Customs, Mohammed Lawal alleging that I collected the sum of Two Million, One Hundred Thousand Naira (N2,100,000.00) from him to settle the case between me and Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

27. That after being detained for two (2) weeks in Panti, I was arraigned before an Ebute Metta Magistrates Court for stealing. The charge was later struck out because the complainant, Alhaji Dikko could not summon the courage to come to court to testify. (Copy of the charge sheet and the proceedings are attached as Exhibits ‘F’ and ‘F1’).

28.. That meanwhile, during one of the days of the hearing of the criminal matter, that is on January 12, 2007, I was picked up at the premises of the Magistrates Court by Police Officers from the Abuja Police Command based on a petition written again by Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko alleging that some documents, money and computers belonging to him were stolen from his Abuja residence on November 4, 2004 and that I may be responsible for their theft.

29. That thereafter I was detained for forty (40) days at Apo Legislative Quarters and the Deputy Commissioner of Police, Mohammed Ladan (who was in charge of the matter) thereafter told me that the only condition for my release was for me to withdraw the Fundamental Rights suit I filed against Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

30. That on February 20, 2007, retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, E.O. Abai came to Abuja to see the then I.G, Mr. Sunday Ehindero to secure my release. I was further asked to see Deputy Commissioner of Police, Mohammed Ladan on the 22nd of February, 2007.

31. That on that day, i.e. February 22, 2007, I was taken to the High Court, Abuja by the same Deputy Commissioner of Police, Mohammed Ladan but incidentally the court did not sit on that day which stalled my arraignment.

32. That my wife and I later went straight to the I.G’s office and the then I.G., Mr. Sunday Ehindero instructed his Principal Staff Officer (PSO) Mr. Solomon Arase to look into the matter.. That led to the invitation of all the Police Officers involved in the matter.

33. That after asking some pertinent questions, like whether Alhaji Dikko originally reported any case of robbery to any Police Station, (the answer being negative) and having satisfied himself that the allegation was frivolous, he ordered my release.

34. He further advised me not to go about threatening Alhaji Dikko about his past, and that he was sure that Alhaji Dikko would leave me alone on that note.

35. That thereafter I returned to Lagos where, to my surprise, one Inspector Habilla, a family friend of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko and two (2) other Customs Officers, Messrs Enemoh and Mohammed Lawal continued to trail me. I reported this incident to Mr. Arase, the PSO to the then Inspector General of Police, Mr. Ehindero, who promised that all would be settled.

36. That sometime in August 2008, I was informed by a friend of mine that I had been declared wanted by the Abuja Police Command in connection with robbery.

37. That I made frantic efforts and discovered that the Punch and Tribune Newspapers of April 28, 2008 carried the advertorials which declared me wanted in connection with robbery. (Copy of the Punch Newspaper advert is attached as Exhibit ‘G’)..

38. That it was at that point I realized that the plan was to arrest me as an armed robber and either shoot me like the Boko Haram leader or keep me perpetually remanded in prison custody as a robber awaiting trial.

39. That since I had no godfather, I immediately went into hiding, and I have been running from pillar to post all these months, because of the almighty power of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko.

40. That on the 4th of August, 2009, retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, Mr.. E.O. Abai advised that I summon courage and find out details about the advertorial from the Abuja Police Command.

41. That on the 7th of August, 2009, in the company of Mr. E.O. Abai, retired Assistant Commissioner of Police, I met with the Commissioner of Police, Abuja, Mr. John Haruna. We went with the newspaper publication and the attached affidavit.

42. That the said Commissioner of Police, Abuja, Mr. Haruna said that he knew nothing about the publication and immediately summoned the command’s spokesman, Superintendent of Police, Mr. Jimoh for explanation.

43. That the Abuja Police Command’s spokesman further contacted the I..P.O supposedly handling the matter, one Mr. Danjuma Attah who confirmed that the case has no case file and that I should go in peace.

44. That the following week, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko was named as the Comptroller-General of Customs and the Abuja Police Command’s spokesman, Mr. Jimoh called the retired Commissioner of Police, Mr. E.O Abai to notify me that I should come to the Abuja Police Command that there is now a case file against me which has been sent to court in respect of a charge of armed robbery.

45. That since the genesis of my travails life has been unbearable for me and my family. My mother collapsed and died later when she heard that I was arrested at the premises of a Magistrates Court in Lagos and taken to Abuja in handcuffs. Similarly, owing to lack of adequate parental care, I lost my four (4) year old son to an illness.

46. That at present, due to the newspaper publications I cannot walk freely nor seek employment cum business opportunities for fear of being identified as an armed robber. This has left my wife as the only bread winner of the family.

47. That before I met Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, I never had any criminal record. All that I did for Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko was done in ignorance and immaturity and to help his career to where he is now that he so desperately wants to protect at the expense of my life and freedom.

48. That the real intention of Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, the new Comptroller-General of Customs, is to silence me, either by indefinite remand as an armed robber in a prison yard, or to kill me like the Boko Haram leader.

49. That it was at this point everyone I met recommended Barrister Festus Keyamo to defend me. I then came out and contacted him.

50. That I depose this affidavit in good faith and in accordance with the Oaths Act.

Many Faces Of Corruption. The Looting And Stealing Bankers. The Keepers Of Your Money.